30 April 2013

Henrique Capriles: el radical


El video que he colocado aqui arriba fue colgado en Youtube por Smartmatic. En el mismo puede observarse al Secretario de la Mesa de la Unidad (MUD), Ramon Guillermo Aveledo, afirmar que las maquinas de votación de Smartmatic han sido "auditadas suficientemente" (ver min. 1.50). La primera vez que escuché a Aveledo hacer tales declaraciones me alarmé, luego de lo cual le envié correos electrónicos a mi para nada desinformada lista de contactos en Venezuela, a ver si podían indicarme cuándo, dónde, cómo, y por quién habían sido hechas tales auditorías, por cuanto, hasta donde sabía, la unica vez que las maquinas de Smartmatic habían sido auditadas fue en Fila de Mariches, el 23 de noviembre de 2005, justo antes de las elecciones legislativas. En aquella auditoría, en presencia de observadores electorales de la Unión Europea y de la Organización de Estados Americanos, se demostró que el secreto del voto estaba comprometido.

Nadie sabe... 

Ninguno de los recipientes de mis misivas solicitando información sabe dónde, cuándo, cómo y por quién fueron hechas esas auditorias a las que se refiere Aveledo. No hay reportes al respecto. Ni artículos de prensa. En ningún lado. Nadie vio nada. Nadie presencio nada. Nadie escribio un tweet, o un comentario en Facebook, sobre algo tan crucial. ¿Puede sorprender entonces que el video de las declaraciones de Aveledo esté siendo utilizado por Smartmatic como propaganda?

Quienes si presenciaron la única auditoría que se le ha hecho a las maquinas de Smartmatic hasta el momento, observadores electorales de la Unión Europea (ver pag. 25), concluyeron:
While the source codes are owned by the CNE they are for commercial reasons not made available for public scrutiny and no independent third party audits have been conducted on any part of the electronic voting system.
O para ponerlo mas claro, "el código fuente (de las máquinas) es propiedad del CNE y por razones comerciales no está disponible a escrutinio público y no se han realizado auditorias independientes en ninguna de las partes del sistema electrónico de votación." Desde luego que Smartmatic no va a utilizar lo citado como muestra de la eficiencia y fiabilidad de su sistema de maquinitas de lotería devenidas en dizque el "mejor sistema electoral del mundo". Vale recordar que absolutamente todos los procesos electorales en los que ha participado Smartmatic hasta ahora fuera de Venezuela, y que han sido auditados como se debe, en todos se han descubierto fallas en su sistema. En todos.

Pero Smartmatic no viene al caso hoy. El punto de este artículo es exponer la actitud hipócrita, deshonesta y maniquea de ciertos líderes de la oposición. A quienes hemos reclamado, por años, que se exija un mínimo de condiciones electorales al CNE se nos ha tildado de radicales, y de abstencionistas. Hace apenas seis meses esa era la postura oficial de la oposición para con quienes argüíamos que se debe condicionar la participación electoral, no adoptando posturas abstencionistas, sino exigiendo el respeto a la ley.

Las maquinas de Smartmatic no se auditan desde noviembre de 2005, a pesar de lo que diga el irresponsable Ramon Guillermo Aveledo, y lo mismo aplica al registro electoral, el cual no ha sido debidamente auditado desde el 2005. Ahora Henrique Capriles, quien ha declarado desconocer los resultados de las elecciones del 14 de abril, está basicamente exigiendo al CNE lo mismo que otros llevamos años reclamando. ¿Quién lo llama radical? ¿Quién lo describe como abstencionista?

Veamos lo que dice la Ley Orgánica del Sufragio y Participación Política (ver LOSPP):
Artículo 95. En el Registro Electoral se hará constar:
1. Los nombres, apellidos, número de cédula de identidad, sexo, fecha de nacimiento, nacionalidad, profesión y los impedimentos físicos de los ciudadanos que tengan derecho a ejercer el sufragio, conforme a la Constitución de la República y esta Ley;
2. La indicación de si sabe leer y escribir;
3. La residencia del elector con todos los detalles de su ubicación exacta, con indicación de la Vecindad Electoral, Parroquia; Municipio y Entidad Federal;
4. El Centro de Votación y la Mesa Electoral en donde le corresponde votar al elector;
5. La cualidad de cada elector necesaria para ser seleccionado como miembro de los organismos electorales, conforme a lo dispuesto en el Título VII de esta Ley, así como la identificación detallada del lugar donde realiza las actividades que lo hacen elegible; y,
6. La condición de suspensión y su motivo, cuando sea el caso.
Parágrafo Único: Los datos señalados en este artículo deberán ser incluidos en las copias de la lista de electores que se le entreguen a los diferentes partidos o grupos de electores cuando así lo soliciten.
Artículo 156. Las máquinas para la automatización de las votaciones, escrutinios, totalización y adjudicación, sus equipos, programas y bases de datos correspondientes, deberán estar debidamente probados, almacenados y resguardados en locales adecuados ubicados en el municipio donde serán utilizados, con un mes de anticipación por lo menos a la fecha de realización de las elecciones, y una vez instalados no podrán ser mudados o manipulados por persona alguna, salvo lo que al respecto pueda disponer a los fines de su resguardo, mantenimiento, chequeo y conservación el Consejo Nacional Electoral mediante resolución especial.
Es decir, leyes vigentes permiten exigir al CNE tanto el escrutinio / auditoría a las maquinas de votación como al registro electoral. ¿Cómo puede describirse la solicitud y exigencia de aplicación de leyes vigentes como una actitud radical? Ahora el radical es Capriles, y los siete millones y pico que votamos por él. Si nos hubieran escuchado antes, quizás la situación fuera otra. Habiendo dicho esto, el movimiento opositor no necesita políticos como Ramón Guillermo Aveledo, que le mienten al pais con toda desfachatez y además desdeñan a quienes piden el respeto a la ley.

Venezuela necesita un líder de oposición que le hable con toda claridad al país, y al mundo, sobre la realidad electoral, y repita hasta la saciedad que los procesos electorales en Venezuela son, y han sido desde 2004, total y absolutamente fraudulentos. Ya basta de mentecatos, de mentirosos, de incapaces, que nos hacen avanzar un paso y retroceder una docena. Ya basta de colaboracionistas estilo Teodoro Petkoff, quien clama que nuestro sistema electoral es a prueba de fraude. Ya basta de representantes con poca o ninguna capacidad y menos preparación ante el CNE como Felix Arroyo, Enrique Marquez o Ramon Jose Medina. Ya basta de voceros que contraríen publicamente las declaraciones del líder de la oposición, como Ocariz. ¿Hasta cuándo tendremos que calarnos tal caterva de inutiles?

23 April 2013

@willycochez Panama puede ayudar a Venezuela contra el lavado de dinero


El Embajador Willy Cochez, en referencia a personas allegadas al régimen dizque ilegítimo de Nicolás Maduro, hizo un comentario a través de su cuenta en Twitter que me llamó la atención: "Desde ya ofrezco mis servicios de abogado para recuperar los bienes y $ de Vzuela q esos fariseos y boliguerses trajeron a Panamá." (sic)

En esa misma línea, el Embajador Cochez había hecho otro comentario: "Cuándo nuevo gobierno solicite información s/ cuentas y propiedades aquí,autoridades judiciales Panamá cooperarán. Me encargaré de q así sea" (sic)

Sería maravilloso que Venezuela tenga un gobierno en el futuro en el cual se investiguen, sin miedo a las consecuencias políticas, los abundantes hechos de corrupción ocurridos desde que el caudillo Hugo Chavez llegó al poder en 1998. Pues no solo aumentó exponencialmente el número de casos de corrupción, las fortunas mal habidas durante la era chavista alcanzan unas cifras que son imposibles de ignorar. La corrupción en Venezuela es un monstruo de mil cabezas que llega a todos lados y no distingue entre posiciones políticas. Lo más triste es que la sociedad venezolana no parece ver la corrupción como problema, sino como oportunidad.

Tomemos un caso reciente: el "empresario" revolucionario Ricardo Fernandez Barrueco. Ese individuo pasó de parquear carros en el estacionamiento de su padre en el Hotel Hilton en Caracas, a tener más de 250 empresas y una fortuna que superó en el 2006 los 1.600 millones de dólares. Ello no le tomó ni 10 años. Cómo se explica ese enriquecimiento, sin mencionar ilícito en el contexto? Veamos otro caso: Derwick Associates, una compañía de maletín, creada por un par de veinteañeros, que pasaron de ser office boys a recibir 12 contratos del estado venezolano -sin licitación- para la instalación de plantas termoeléctricas, en un período de 14 meses, lo cual les reportó réditos que bien podrían exceder los 1.000 millones de dólares. Mil millones de dólares en 14 meses, nada mal no?

Tanto Fernandez Barrueco como los directivos de Derwick Associates (Alejandro Betancourt y Pedro Trebbau) registraron empresas en Panamá, en las cuales testaferros designados obstaculizan la identificación de los verdaderos dueños, y la examinación de las actividades de dichas empresas. En lo que se percibe como el gran beneficio de operar en centros offshore, el anonimato es uno de los servicios más preciados, ya que ni se declaran cuentas, ni se pagan impuestos, ni hay forma de averiguar (de no ser que las autoridades de determinado país tomen cartas en el asunto) si el flujo de dinero es producto de actividades lícitas.

El problema es que Fernandez Barrueco y los "bolichicos" de Derwick Associates no son los únicos venezolanos que "operan" en Panamá. Prácticamente todos los ladrones de cuello blanco que han hecho fortunas ilícitas en Venezuela en los últimos 14 años o tienen presencia en Panamá (bancos, casas de bolsa, etc.), o han utilizado el sistema financiero panameño, o tienen compañías registradas en Panamá lo cual les permite operar con absoluta impunidad.

El Embajador Cochez dice estar dispuesto a colaborar cuando un nuevo gobierno solicite información. Pero qué pasa si dicho nuevo gobierno no se cristaliza? Qué pasa si Henrique Capriles no llega al poder? Acaso los boliburgueses que esconden sus fortunas en Panamá, o que utilizan Panamá como una gran lavadora de dinero, no deben ser investigados por las autoridades panameñas, independientemente de si un hipotético gobierno de Venezuela solicite información al respecto?

Al ofrecimiento del Embajador Cochez, le voy a agregar otro: en calidad de periodista de investigación con más de una década exponiendo casos de corrupción en Venezuela, desde ya me pongo a la disposición de las autoridades panameñas para identificar e investigar a los venezolanos que han utilizado Panamá para legitimar capitales obtenidos de forma fraudulenta.

Panamá no necesita solicitudes de Venezuela para impedir que su sistema financiero sea utilizado para lavar dinero venezolano. Panamá no necesita la participación de Venezuela para salvaguardar la integridad de su sistema financiero. Panamá no necesita a Henrique Capriles para demostrarle al mundo que toma con toda seriedad normas internacionales contra el blanqueo de capitales. Para lo anterior tan sólo se necesita la voluntad política de las autoridades panameñas. Esta por verse si existe dicha disposición.

En cualquier caso, vaya su palabra por delante Embajador Cochez, aquí tiene a un colaborador muy bien dispuesto a empezar con la tarea lo más pronto posible.

18 April 2013

Derwick Associates settles out of court

Last week a source in D.C. tipped me about Al Cardenas' desperation to "get out of" Derwick Associates lawsuit as "quickly as possible." I wrote to Cardenas and Joseph DeMaria to enquire about it, alas neither replied. Last Friday, Derwick Associates settled out of court its spurious lawsuit in Miami against Banco Venezolano de Credito (BVC), Oscar Garcia Mendoza, and Rafael Alfonzo. It's been reported that Derwick's sole requirement was to get a no-countersue guarantee from BVC et al. It's also in the news that Florida Circuit Judge John W. Thornton dismissed Derwick's suit with prejudice. Oh boy, what an embarrassment...

Readers may recall that the whole thing started with a couple of articles by an award winning journalist (Cesar Batiz) in Venezuela's most read newspaper (Ultimas Noticias), about a huge corruption racket, in which fly-by-night (Derwick Associates), run by two twenty-something year olds (Alejandro Betancourt Lopez and Pedro Trebbau Lopez), overcharged the Venezuelan State in the hundreds of millions of dollars, in a series of no-bid energy contracts awarded by utterly corrupt officials of the Hugo Chavez regime, in mysterious and most probably illegal circumstances. The novelty of this case in particular, is that the two halfwits running said company thought it would be great to prosecute its perceived critics (BVC et al) in a court of law in Miami. Well, that turned out to be a costly mistake, as predicted. After this deeply embarrassing u-turn Derwick Associates may be thinking that they got away with it, but truth is their problems have just started.

In subsequent posts, I shall be further exposing Derwick's associates (pun intended) in the USA: Hector Torres, Al Cardenas and, especially, FTI Consulting. Stay tuned...

17 April 2013

Diosdado Cabello, and not Nicolas Maduro, has the power in Venezuela

Diosdado Cabello holds the keys to Venezuela's future. Not Nicolas Maduro. Not his Cuban handlers. Not Henrique Capriles. Not Rafael Ramirez. Not the criminal enterprises that sustain chavismo. Not the electoral authorities (CNE) that will most definitely not allow a recount of votes or meaningful scrutiny, as requested by Capriles. Not the Congress. Not the media. Not the "international community". Not the USA. Not Colombia (Santos reached a new low if that was ever possible). It all depends, in my opinion, on how Diosdado Cabello plays his cards.

Cabello graduated from Venezuela's Armed Forces military academy in 1987. He was the second best, in a class of 216 officials (the Tomás Montilla Padrón, class of 87). Many of Cabello's colleagues participated in the coup led by Hugo Chavez in 1992, and many were rewarded by Chavez, once he reached power. Cabello has been one of the fixtures of chavismo. And so have been Jesse Chacon, Alejandro Andrade, and Jose Vielma Mora, to name but a few. Cabello and his colleagues have reached key positions within chavismo: tax collection, army, telecoms, finance, and government. Colleagues of Cabello control many of the most important military commands in Venezuela. On the 5th of July 2012, Chavez announced a new wave of promotions within the army: 42 officers were promoted to the rank of Brigadier General, with direct command over troops. Of the 42, 36 belonged to Cabello's class of 87. But, and here's a crucial point, 97 members of the class are still active within the army, but only 36 were promoted. That means 61 colonels, companions of Cabello, are due a promotion. It did not happen last year, which sources told me caused a great deal of discontent, that Cabello is managing to his advantage.

The power to promote people within the army rested solely with Hugo Chavez. In what can only be taken as a political decision, Chavez decided to promote some, not all of Cabello's classmates. All the while, there's never been lost love between Cabello and Cuba's dictators. In fact, Cabello never shared Hugo Chavez's subservient attitude and infatuation with Fidel Castro: he rarely, if ever, went to Cuba, and is said to despise what he considers the affront of getting orders from Cuba.

The Castro dictators picked Maduro for obvious reasons. A semi literate, intellectually handicapped yes-man, through whom continuation of Chavez's progressive cession of sovereignty to Cuba could continue unabated. But the Castro bros miscalculated big time. They put all the eggs in Maduro's basket, and that might prove fatal for their plan. For Maduro, a civilian, does not have the slightest ascendancy over Venezuela's army, which Cabello quite obviously has.

When push comes to shove, the Venezuelan army will step in and decide who runs the show, as is always the case. When that moment comes, neither Maduro, nor his Cuban handlers, stand a chance. Cabello already voiced, in Twitter, what could be interpreted as an open threat to Maduro, whose slim margin of victory over Capriles is seen as a monumental failure that could have brought an end to the "revolution". Cabello could, very easily, leverage fresh demands on the very real fire power of his classmates. With Chavez out of the picture, there's absolutely no one that can restrain Cabello, if he decides to move against Maduro.

In all of this, Capriles is just a passenger, background noise. He has no power to force the game, and will probably end up jailed (that could be a game changer, but it remains to be seen whether Cabello and the Castros are that stupid).

15 April 2013

Maduro wins, Capriles wanders into the wilderness

One thing that I can't get my head around is this:

every person in Venezuela knows that the State is fully behind the candidate of the ruling party, i.e. chavismo. It was like that when Hugo Chavez was alive, and it continues to be so. All Venezuelan institutions are controlled by chavismo. The Armed Forces are squarely behind chavismo. All the monies of the State are controlled by chavismo. Four out of five directors of the National Electoral Council (CNE) are chavistas, not some inside-the-closet chavista, no, fully open and public. The Congress is controlled by chavismo. The Judiciary is but an appendix of chavismo. 21 out of 23 states are governed by chavistas. The State, directly or indirectly, controls a huge network of community radios, TV channels, and the country's most read newspapers (Ultimas Noticias and El Mundo). In addition to that, Venezuela's electoral roll has not been independently audited since 2005, and the Smartmatic electronic voting system was last independently audited in November 2005.

Despite all that, Henrique Capriles ran against Hugo Chavez last year, pretending that everything was kosher at the electoral level. At that time, one of his collaborators (Ramon Guillermo Aveledo) irresponsibly lied to his constituency, when he falsely claimed that the "electoral system had been sufficiently audited." This year Capriles ran against Nicolas Maduro, adopting a more confrontational tone. If electoral results are anything to go by, the combination of Chavez's passing with a deterioration of every day living and an attacking mode got Capriles a few thousand votes more and close to victory. That being said, arguments about Nicolas Maduro not having legitimacy to govern, because he got some 230,000 votes more than Capriles, is, frankly, preposterous. Unless, of course, the Capriles team present the smoking gun.

Maduro got more votes than Capriles, that's that, end of the story. You just can't enter a race, accepting that everything is stacked against you, and when you lose, turn round and say: "we do not recognise this result", as Capriles said yesterday. That is an untenable position, for Capriles knew, before entering the race, that everything was stacked against him. He knew that the State was fully behind Maduro. He knew Maduro's appointment was unconstitutional. He knew Maduro's every action, since January 10, was illegitimate. He knew that no public resource would be spared to get Maduro elected. And yet, he did participate, "hoping" that he would be victorious. Hoping? Read the first paragraph again. How could a victory be "hoped" when, as a matter of fact, the political realities described above have not changed? How can someone, knowing all of the above, enter a race and then cry foul calling the winner illegitimate? Why is Maduro illegitimate today, but wasn't when Capriles filed his candidacy? Capriles, and his team, should have done that earlier. Not today, not now. A proverbial case of "too little too late."

Utter nonsense. Appalling. Shameful. That's what it is. This is not a situation where two political parties share, in similar amounts, institutional and political power. Far from it. This is a situation where one party controls everything, and the other controls nothing, regardless of how many votes it got yesterday. Maduro does not need to invite Capriles for a round of hard political negotiations in order to reach a compromise that will allow him to govern Venezuela. No. This is no Cameron and Clegg. Rather, it is chavismo, as its usual self, pulling all power levers.

What to make of Capriles' own election as Governor of Miranda? The electoral scenario then was just as dodgy as it is today. Is he calling himself illegitimate?  Furthermore, is he questioning the legitimacy of his own votes yesterday? How about other ruling governors, and mayors? How about the representatives of the opposition (in minority) in Congress, elected by the same system under the same conditions: are they illegitimate too?

Therefore I can not but express contempt for Henrique Capriles' irresponsible antics. He's not the brightest bulb all right, but even then, he's been in politics long enough to have realised that once the die is cast, there's no turning back.

Venezuela suspende acceso a internet *durante* elecciones presidenciales

Para mi, la noticia de hoy no es que Nicolas Maduro ganó las elecciones. Eso ya se sabía de antemano y esperar otro resultado, con las condiciones electorales y políticas actuales, era cosa de tontos. Pero que cortaron el acceso a internet, en toda Venezuela, por aproximadamente 45 minutos, cuando todavia los centros de votación estaban abiertos? Esa, en mi opinión, es la noticia de hoy. Para qué suspendieron el acceso a internet? El argumento de Arreaza, dizque "para impedir más hackeos" es ridículo e inaceptable. Los ignorantes chavistas y sus apólogos internacionales, sin duda, creerán el cuento de Arreaza, pero cómo puede el régimen chavista impedir hackeos a cuentas de Twitter de sus altos personeros, cuando el hackeo puede llevarse a cabo desde cualquier lugar del mundo que tenga acceso a internet? Ni los servidores de Twitter están en Venezuela, ni cortando el internet en Venezuela puede impedirse el dizque hackeo a cuentas Twitter.

Para ponerlo más graficamente, suspender el acceso a internet en Venezuela para impedir acceso fraudulento a cuentas de Twitter, es el equivalente a trancar la autopista Caracas-La Guaira para impedir el acceso por la M25 a Londres.

El equipo del ya dos-veces derrotado Capriles debería exigir respuestas en ese sentido. Eso, si es que quieren saber, de verdad, qué fue lo que paso ayer en las elecciones presidenciales de Venezuela.

12 April 2013

Maduro's win will mean chavismo is here to stay

When trying to rationalise Hugo Chavez and his impact on Venezuelan politics, it is often said that the leader he resembled the most was Argentina's Juan Domingo Perón. Upon the death of the standard bearer of Latin American populism, peronismo took hold of political life in Argentina, on the back of the hugely popular Evita, who was exalted to demigod status in popular culture. More than fifty years later, that country is still dealing with the nefarious consequences of an irresponsible political establishment crafted by Perón. But as much as Chavez has been compared to Perón, chavismo's Evita died on 5th of March. So what will happen?

Chavismo seemed, until recently, to be a unipersonal enterprise, a political movement based solely on the whimsical designs of a caudillo, who spent a lifetime conspiring against the establishment and, once in power, ensured that no Evita could cast a shadow. Surrounded by incompetent and hapless yesmen, Chavez's continuity was guaranteed by a unique combination of charisma, a deep and personal connection to the impoverished masses, a laissez faire stance towards hugely corrupt collaborators and, above all, an endless supply of money which he used unrestrictedly and without oversight. Nicolas Maduro, who only has the latter, has demonstrated, should he win*, that contrary to conventional wisdom, there is life in chavismo after Chavez. It was not a house of cards.

Maduro's win in Sunday's presidential election will provide fresh evidence that Venezuela is a basket case. Lacking in charisma, political nous and oratory skills, but elected on empathy for the late caudillo and his ways, Maduro has perhaps the thing that matters the most in current Venezuelan politics: unfettered access to State resources. While Henrique Capriles Radonsky, the soon to be twice-defeated opposition candidate, has had to run his campaign on a shoestring and could not accept funds from the shrinking and debilitated private sector, Maduro has the unrestrained backing of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), or to put it in numbers, access to a kitty that gets -give or take- $250 million every single day. With that, charisma and popularity can be dispensed.

Capriles decided this time to launch a confrontational campaign. As much as his message appears to have resonated and energised his supporters, fact is no amount of heated rhetoric could undo chavismo's pile of cash, whose victory will signal that a clear majority much rather had a spend drift government than one that would bring an end to irresponsible populism. It is the affirmation that Hugo Chavez's manner of governing, i.e. populism, continues to be the choice of the majority. Between intangible promises from Capriles and hard cold cash from Chavez, or whoever his successors are, Venezuelans have little to think about. That's a reality that is not going to go away.

In 1845, a prescient Argentinean called Domingo Sarmiento wrote a book depicting the struggle between civilisation and barbarism (Facundo: Civilización y Barbarie). The history of his country, as much as ours, has been a mise-en-scene of the conflict between enlightened but ever so unsuccessful notions of nation building and identity and caudillo regimes, under whose rule development takes one step forward and ten back. Will Venezuela become the next Argentina? Will a more radical military Junta kick chavismo -as represented by Maduro- out?  Early to say. It would be safe to predict however, that as long as chavismo controls the State and its resources, it can field any candidate in the certainty that barbarism's continuity won't be affected. That's a daunting prospect indeed. 

*Jesse Chacon runs a polling company called GIS XXI. In last October's presidential elections he predicted Chavez would win by 55.1%. The caudillo got 54.8%. His prediction was closer than that of all other pollsters from Venezuela. Chacon is now predicting that Maduro is going to win with 55.3%, and calculates abstention to be between 26-22%. Chacon has an edge over all other pollsters in Venezuela: he is a former minister and old trusted man of Hugo Chavez, and keeps, to this day, very close connections with top chavistas.

9 April 2013

Thatcher's death highlights hypocrisy and racism of the Left

London - Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher died yesterday. Her achievements are too long to list here, but I guess for me, the most important one, by a mile, was to have significantly contributed to bring communism down. For me, a guest in this country after all, it is the perfect opportunity to contrast how death of a phenomenal political leader is dealt with by Brits. When Hugo Chavez died over a month ago, various BBC programs called to request my comment. The utter shock of BBC staff upon hearing that I was somewhat joyful upon learning about Hugo Chavez's death was something to behold. The accusatory silence and recriminatory gazes that followed my comment were quite uncomfortable and I had to explain the reasons why I was in such mood.

But contrast that with the passing of Thatcher. In the last day or so a battery of Thatcher critics have been given tribune on all British media outlets, and they, let me inform you dear readers, have not had the slightest remorse, the flimsiest compunction to express, quite angrily in some cases, that they are overjoyed by Thatcher's death. The interesting thing is that such stances did not cause any negative reaction on the part of interviewers / moderators, no disapproving looks, no odd silence, nothing, a stance not only well accepted but encouraged and shared by most of the ever so left leaning British media.

Expressing blinding hatred for Margaret Thatcher is perfectly fine, but criticism of Hugo Chavez is met with disapproval.

And the above brings me to highlight not only the sheer hypocrisy of the Left, but its racism, embodied by postures that on the one hand condemn any joy of Chavez's passing, and on the other see no problem in expressing more radical views on Thatcher's death. It's OK to hate Thatcher, to wish her death, to be disheartened by the IRA's failing to assassinate her while hearing terrorist Gerry Adams give his "verdict" on her legacy. But woe the one who dares to say that Chavez's death is actually a very good thing for Venezuelan democracy. The majority of the Left in this country seems impervious to such impossible-to-reconcile positions, but then again, the Left was never something characterised by consistency and principles, was it?

7 April 2013

#yosoyvenezolano

Londres - Para quienes andan buscando entender lucida y coherentemente el tag #YoSoyVenezolano recomiendo lo siguiente:
  1. Ver entrevista a Yoani Sanchez por Jaime Bayly.
  2. Leer Cubanos y punto, de Yoani, suplantando cubanos por venezolanos y Jose Marti por el venezolano/a insigne de preferencia.
  3. Ver intervención de Gladys Ibarra en el encuentro de artistas por Capriles.
Una vez seguidos los pasos anteriores, hasta los escépticos como yo recobran la esperanza. Las palabras de Yoani y Gladys, dichas o escritas, son de un contundente, que es prácticamente imposible rebatirlas. Me identifico, con el sentimiento genuino y sincero de ambas, la una diciendo que es cubana de Jose Marti, y la otra defendiendo sus opiniones (como si tal debiera defenderse), sacando su cédula y diciendo "yo soy venezolana." Vivimos tiempos de propaganda, de ruido, de paja, de politicos sin espina, de gente amoral, de medios y periodistas plegados al mejor postor, de instituciones huecas, y sociedades plásticas, y dentro de esa voragine, en la cual escasean voces sensatas, estas dos mujeres, plantadas en la más demoledora verdad pero expresandola humildemente, timidamente, sin inflexiones altisonantes, desarman cualquier argumento que quienes abdicaron de su libre albedrío puedan producir.

Me identifico con Gladys, me identifico con su argumento sobre cuan difícil es labrarse un espacio en sociedades que uno no conoce, en idiomas que uno aprendió de adulto, sin abandonar en el camino el amor por lo de uno, por la tierra de uno, sin adoptar actitudes mezquinas para con los de uno, para luego encontrarse en la surreal situación de tener que defender, entre los nuestros,  opiniones, o posturas, por que uno ya no vive en el patio. 

Me identifico con Yoani, cuando dice que a pesar de haber estado ya radicada en Suiza, en realidad seguía viviendo en Cuba. Seguía pensando en Cuba. Seguía viendo a Cuba, en todas sus interacciones diarias. Eso no le pasa sólo a ella, nos pasa a todos los que hemos emigrado, y los que nos critican es por que no han emigrado, no saben de lo que hablan, por que no han sentido en carne propia lo que es sentirse desterrado.

Me llena de esperanza oir las voces de Yoani y Gladys, y me digo "no todo está perdido cuando mujeres como esas están entre nosotros." Estas mujeres, y no Diosa Canales, deberían ser los estandartes de nuestras sociedades, nuestros bastiones morales, nuestras guías. Estas mujeres deberían ser el rol que todas las que sigan deberían tratar de emular, ya que ello pondría fin, de una vez por todas, a la incesante proliferación de perfectos idiotas latinomericanos como el difunto o su ídolo cubano.

Estas mujeres, mejor que nadie, pueden incidir de forma positiva en la creación de una nueva identidad, pueden modelar según sus cánones morales el significado de #yosoyvenezolano. Un poder extraordinario del cual disponen que, sin duda, nos llevará al respeto, a la dignidad, y al progreso.

Yoani dice que ella sueña con una nueva Cuba en la cual el gobierno sea un apéndice de la sociedad, y no un ente omnipresente y totalitario. Cómo no estar de acuerdo con eso? Venezuela, esa por la que llora Gladys, somos todos, no hay clases de venezolanos, más o menos dignos, más o menos venezolanos. En #yosoyvenezolano cabemos todos. Hasta los difuntos...

4 April 2013

How about Venezuela in Offshore & Money Laundering ICIJ?



London - The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists published reports today, under the banner of "Secrecy for Sale: Inside the Global Offshore Money Maze". I must say that I welcome such efforts in exposing the multibillion dollar industry behind illegal movement of stolen public funds. It is an industry that has no territorial boundaries, or jurisdictional impediments of any sort. Despite prevalent Anti Money Laundering (AML) legislation in most of the developed world, the fact is, the world's "most reputed banks" have been, and are, ear-deep in money laundering and eager to continue circumventing laws to partake in the thriving business.

But when it comes to Venezuela, there's precious little in the way of investigations by non-Venezuelan investigative journalists. It may be due to the country being irrelevant, in the great scheme of things, but after more than a trillion dollars worth of income in the last decade, which has allowed for multibillion dollar scams, how come no one -apart from a handful of lone voices- seems interested in mapping out the enormous corruption racket going on?

To help future research, I am posting here some names and pictures that, I am sure, will surface in offshore investigations should well resourced organisations decide to focus its attention in that corner of the world.

Oswaldo Cisneros
UPDATE: after posting this, ICIJ published a piece on the ponzi scheme set up by Francisco Illarramendi in the US. Nothing new really, as information about that case has been in the public domain for a long while. In fact, it would be interesting to question the evident conflict of interests of FTI Consulting (one stop shop for all Boligarchs reputation management issues) with the receiver. The interesting thing is that ICIJ is mentioning a big name in the article: Oswaldo Cisneros. The other Cisneros, Gustavo Cisneros, owns a cesspit. It will be interesting to see whether ICIJ has what it takes to enter those rabbit holes...

1 April 2013

Bribes in Ferrominera Orinoco's iron ore sales


From: Patrick Hodgins
To: CAÑAS L. JORGE L. / FMO 3142: canas.jorge@gmail.com
Sent: Wednesday, July 11, 2007, 6:11 AM
Subject: RE: Iron request for China

George,

First let me thank you for your patients in this matter , the chinese have been very hard in their negotiations, however we can revert with the following counter for your perusal.

We accept as per your Offer below and i thank you for your efforts in getting this far, we there for counter with the following:

1) Quantity:
a) 2007 Contractual Year: Nine (9) shipments of 70,000 MT +/- 10% MOLOO each (“Panamax” size vessels).
b) 2008 Contractual Year: Seven (7) shipments of 130,000 MT +/- 10% MOLOO each (“Cape” size vessels) or in Buyers options capes to be split into panamax (14) 70,000MT +/- 10%moloo.

2) Quality:

a) Ferrominera Sinter Feed (FSF2007), as per the specifications previously provided to you.

b) San Isidro Calibrated Lump Ore (SICLO-1), as per the specifications previously provided to you.

3) Delivery Period:

a) 2007 Contractual Year: Nine (9) shipments, as per point 1a above, from August 1st, 2007 until April 30th, 2008.


Panamax Bulk AS
Fra: Freddy A Castellanos [fcsenior57@hotmail.com]
Sendt: 11. juli 2007 16:43
Til: Patrick Hodgins
Kopi: Panamax Bulk
Emne: Re: Iron request for China

Patrick,

Thank you for the blind copy. Now, Jorge will reply to you as per the terms we have agreed but with the prices that will appear in the contract between FMO and you (either Crown Venture of Juhua Group). As per the discussions I have maintained with Jorge, FMO will have following FOB prices in the contract:

FSF2007: US Cents 69.54/DMTU
SICLO-1: US Cents 86.55/DMTU

As also agreed, the difference between above prices and those agreed between us (FSF2007: US Cents 75.00/DMTU and SICLO-1: US Cents 92.00/DMTU) together with the 1.5% (of the FOB value of shipments) commission for buyer, which will be included in the sales contract to be signed, will be for FMO's people who got the material and will approve the deal. I am sending on a separate message a draft of contract to be signed between Crown Venture and me concerning this issue.

Finally, I thank you for your efforts on successfully concluding this negotiations.

Kind regards,

Freddy Castellanos

The above is quite self explanatory, but to put it in context, actors must be identified.

As per his LinkedIn page, Patrick Hodgins is meant to be an Australian shipping executive that has worked in the past for Rio Tinto, Freight Investors Services, Fortescue Metals Group, and Nidera. At time of emails, Hodgins was with Australia's Fortescue Metals Group.

Jorge Cañas (Vzla ID no. 8.540.342) is quoted as being Sales Manager (Gerente de Comercializacion) of Venezuela's iron producer Ferrominera del Orinoco (FMO).

Freddy Castellanos (Vzla ID no. 4.883.936) is a metallurgic engineer, who worked for FMO until August of 2003 [see here].

Crown Venture claims to be a “global trading company being registered and having offices in Hong Kong, Singapore, Oslo and Caracas.” There's a Crown Venture Limited registered in Hong Kong (company number 1128011). It is a HKD 10,000 capital company (wholly owned by Singapore’s Amoy Trading PTE. Limited), whose director is Cook Island's based CV Services Limited [see here]. Crown Venture also has a record in Oslo (no. 995 957 086), where it appears as one of a number of subsidiaries of Hjalmar Røed & Co AS, owned / operated by Morten Frode Riis, whose other subsidiary Panamax Bulk AS was declared bankrupt. Unsurprisingly, Panamax Bulk AS and Crown Venture are registered at the same address in Oslo. There is no record of Crown Venture in Venezuela's registers.

Juhua Group, is China's Zhejiang province largest chemical industry.

In another communication, Fernando Campbell, Astrup Fearnley of Norway's representative in Caracas is copied. Given that both Panamax Bulk AS and Crown Venture are mere fronts of intermediators, perhaps Astrup Fearnley's Fernando Campbell was drawn in to arrange the maritime side of things. Or perhaps that was Morten Frode Riis's part of the deal.

In any case, just by observing the murky structure leading to Singapore, Hong Kong, Miami, Panama, Australia, Cook Islands, Venezuela and Oslo, one can infer where this is going. In subsequent communications [see here and here], Castellanos instructs Hodgins on what needs to be done for the deal to be completed, as well as requests of Hodgins payment of $2,309,978.92 worth of commissions to be divided among FMO staff and himself.

Payment was to be made to BAC Florida Bank, Account Number: 937-959-820, ABA: 067009044, SWIFT: BFLBUS3M, To the name of: "Societe Partry, S.A." [see here].

Castellanos sent Hodgins, as representative of Crown Venture Ltd, an invoice from Societe Partry SA with a bogus address in Caracas [see here]. Partry is a company registered in Panama, whose proxies Ana Luisa Amengual, Mercedes McCarthy and Francisco Ramirez are directors of hundreds of companies, and all share the same address in Miami, according to records [see here].

A couple of bank transfers (payment of commissions) are evidenced in the leaked documents: one from HSBC Hong Kong, acc. no. 168-313013-838, dated 01/07/2008, to Societe Partry's account in BAC Florida Bank for $426,939; another one dated 24 July 2009, from Crown Venture Limited's account in Singapore's DBS Bank Limited, for $381,571.58.

Castellano's leverage over FMO's commercial decisions is apparent when he writes to Hodgins:

As you see in FMO's message, they are also including the Letter of Authorization for your company to promote and sell FMO's iron ore in the Chinese market this year as well as next year. This will support you in your discussions with Beitai Group and other Chinese mills.

But Hodgins own position is also interesting, considering that at the time he was meant to be working for Fortescue. Was he dealing on the side, or was Fortescue involved in the paying of bribes to Venezuelans in iron ore purchases?

As per Junhua's, well Chinese companies' corruption is rampant and very well known across the world. There is hardly a market corrupt Chinese haven't been able to crack by hook or crook.

And what to make of HSBC's Hong Kong failure to notice Hodgins own dodgy set up, and that of beneficiary of transfers, Societe Partry? In one of the emails, it would appear that at least four transfers in 2008 (dated 01/07, 01/08, 27/08 and 09/10) were made to Castellanos through HSBC (as seen in case of Mexican narcos and many other scandals, HSBC's forte is not precisely strict observance to anti money laundering regulations). In the same email, Metalloyd of London (Reuben bros) is identified as having purchased around 447 metric tonnes of FMO's iron ore between January and July 2008.

I sent emails requesting comment to some of parties involved in this corruption racket. No one has replied. Another case of rampant corruption involving high chavista authorities and foreign companies and individuals only too happy to engage in criminal activities to make a quick buck in Venezuela.